Files held by the SIS on the surveillance by police of the Island Bay Italian community in the 1930s and World War ll have been released to Southern Bays. They give us a glimpse of the suspicion and fear which characterised official attitudes to minorities. They also show that there was some reason for concern but that rather than engage in a positive way the government preferred to use clandestine methods and sometimes harsh enforcement to manage any threat.
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Late on a spring evening in October 1935 Constable Fredrick Baker stood in his uniform outside the Masonic Hall in Island Bay. Inside 150 Italian men had gathered as secretly as possible and at very short notice. They were listening to their homeland’s consul, Cavaliere Dottore Giovanni Formichella. Constable Baker had been excluded from the meeting, along with all non-Italians. This extended even to the hall caretaker, Bert Churchill, who was warned by the consul to stay out of earshot.
This secrecy was seen as necessary because Italy had invaded Ethiopia and was at war. This action of fascist Italy and its dictator Benito Mussolini was strongly opposed by Britain and New Zealand. It was even more strongly opposed by the New Zealand Labour Party which would win government for the first time in a few weeks. In October, 1935, there was no way of knowing if the war would widen to include Britain and its empire. In any case the actions of foreign diplomats in addressing meetings of New Zealand residents on such matters would always be of interest to the New Zealand Government and to the Government of what many considered ‘home’ - the United Kingdom.
And so Constable Baker stood and waited from 8pm when the meeting began until 9.45 when it finished, a time that allowed the Island Bay and Eastbourne fishermen and the Hutt Valley market gardeners present to get at least some sleep before dawn and work.
Constable Baker was somehow able to get information about what was said. He was well-connected with the Italian community and presumably someone talked, at least a little, about the secret gathering. He reported: 'Mr Formichella addressed his subjects on the outbreak of war, for all local Italians to keep loyal and not to converse or express their views locally and impressing them on the undesirability of their becoming naturalised and forsaking their own country'. He also noted that another meeting was to be held later in the month, but that the Masonic Hall would not be made available for the event. The implication seems to be that Bert Churchill the caretaker had taken offence at the consul telling him what he could do in his own hall.
Constable Baker’s report went to the Commissioner of Police and from him to the Minister of Police, who passed it in turn to the Prime Minister, George Forbes. Island Bay and the Italian population were on the government’s mind. A period of official surveillance had begun that would continue on-and-off until the allied victory in Italy in 1944.
There were other reasons for concern. Some locals were members of the Italian Fascist Party. Although a minority, they had been a visible presence at public functions. On his arrival in 1928, Mr Formichella had urged the formation of New Zealand fascist branches, ‘the aim of which would be the fostering of every means by which local Italians might become the best possible New Zealand citizens, promoting good feelings between the two great nations’. Clearly, he was not entirely taken at his word.
The Commissioner instructed the Wellington Superintendent of Police that it was 'desirable that the activities of Italian subjects in the way of holding meetings, and any advice they receive through their Consular officer should be known to the Police Department. It may be possible for Constable Baker, who, I understand, has a good knowledge of the Italians in his district, to obtain further information as to what is going on in that direction'.
The next entry in the Police file however did not require Constable Baker’s input. The Dominion reported in great detail on a farewell to the fascist consul, who was returning to Italy, again held at the Masonic Hall. Speeches were given by Mr J. Paino (for the Garibaldi Club) and Mr Barnao (for the young New Zealand-born Italians). The Dominion reported that Wellington fascists presented Mr Formichella with an inscribed gold medal and three silver serviette rings for each of his three sons. Signora Formichella, who was reported as wearing ‘black taffeta with diamantes’, was presented with a greenstone brooch and a bouquet presented by ‘Miss Panozzo on behalf of the Wellington Italian Ladies'.
The report continued: ‘Miss Aldridge, who has been the pianist at the Italian club for the past two years, was also the recipient of a token of appreciation. Those present including Mr and Mrs Carraro (the latter wearing black georgette); Mr and Mrs J. Paino (blue ensemble) and Mr and Mrs Truda (blue French crepe).
Various enjoyable vocal items were rendered by Mrs Bassi; Mr Volpicelli, de Bocco,…and J. Paino and recitations were given by Misses K. Barnao and Grace Barnao. Supper was served after which dancing ensued and the evening concluded with the singing of Giovenezza'.
Giovenezza was the anthem of the Italian Fascist party, and included the lines: 'Swear fealty to Mussolini / No poor neighbourhood exists / That doesn't send its hordes / That doesn't unfurl the flags / Of redeeming Fascism'
In September, 1936, as the possibility of war in Europe became greater, Constable Baker delivered a report giving greater detail about the Italians of Island Bay. Parts of this report have been kept secret by the present-day SIS but it clearly identifies the type of information being sought, the fears the police held, and Constable Baker’s attitudes.
He estimated the Italian male population (presumably adult males) at 130, with a ‘good number’ naturalised and two described as ‘well off’. Information about these two remains redacted.
Constable Baker’s surveillance of meetings associated with the war continued with him recording events that were held at the request of the Consul on 11 July 1935, 4 October 1935 (discussed above), 8 November 1935, 26 November 1935, 4 January 1936, 14 February 1936, 8 May 1936, and 21 August 1936 (the farewell meeting). Italians came from near and far, according to Constable Baker. The subject of the meetings was always the progress of the war, and at one Mr Formichella made an appeal for funds for the war. Constable Baker noted, with a hint of frustration, that ‘all meetings are conducted strictly in the Italian language’ and that ‘Italians here speak in their own language when together and they do not, the majority of them, endeavour to improve their English’. He noted, though, that ‘there are several Italian subjects conducting various businesses here and they all, with the exception of one, speak excellent English’.
Constable Baker made diligent inquiries and found no Italians working at bulk petrol stores, reservoirs, in Wellington or elsewhere in New Zealand or at the Rongotai aerodrome.
In general Constable Baker had a positive view of the local Italians: 'With the exception of four men, a hard-working, law-abiding class of citizen’. He listed the names of the exceptional four (blacked out of the police documents released), said they were married and claimed that two also had deserted wives back in Italy. Of one he said: 'I look upon with a good deal of suspicion’, and in the case of an outbreak of hostilities ‘I would not trust him, and look at him even now as a secret service agent but I have no proof of it. He is a liar and a type that would do anything … even his own countrymen show their dislike towards him.’ Constable Baker commented on others that they were ‘the type of foreigner that would use a knife to avenge their temper’ and that one did have an automatic revolver which Constable Baker was unable to seize when he found out about it because it ‘had been hidden in a fishing launch which I did not know about at the time’. Constable Baker claimed that this man as a result of the search ‘reported me to the Italian Consul. He is an Italian that I would not trust behind my back and I have been warned by the Italians that he has said he would avenge me some day (sic).’ Constable Baker also expressed fear of this man being ‘mechanically minded’: ‘He is the only one I would suspect of espionage or sabotage. The other[s] are of a cowardly type but criminally minded.’
Constable Baker then noted that the four exceptional men were not from the island of Stromboli, whose people are ‘a good type of citizen’ but come from the north of Italy.
Responsibility for oversight passed to Detective Sergeant P. Doyle, who responded to an (un-filed) secret memorandum from the Commissioner of Police in August 1937. His report, Italian Fascist Organisations, claimed that 150 of 250 Italians at Island Bay 'are fascists of little intelligence with no disloyal feelings toward Britain and the Dominions and are members of the fascist organisation simply at the request of their Consul, who appears to be hopeless in his efforts to install any political enthusiasm into them'. He recorded that the Consul, by then a Commander Vitale, had failed to interest the President of the Italian Club Garibaldi in hosting fascist meetings, and that a meeting called at Island Bay at the Masonic Lodge was abandoned when only two people turned up. Detective Doyle also noted that Island Bay was the only place in New Zealand, he believed, with a fascist organisation.
By the outbreak of war in 1939, concern intensified and early in 1940 the police were told that the British had ‘documentary information’ that 'Italians in British territory have been instructed by their consuls to commit acts of destruction on an intensive scale should Italy enter the war. Definite evidence is available that they have explosives on hand for this purpose'. While there was no specific reference to New Zealand in this information the British considered 'it must be assumed similar action is probable'. The Commissioner responded with instructions to the Wellington Superintendent that 'this matter must be handled immediately with the utmost discretion and secrecy at present. Please go into the question of whether any Italian nationals residing in your District are suspected to be anti-British or have fascist leanings. An early report should be submitted if there is any group of Italians living in one locality, the nature of their employment, such as fishermen or miners, and the opportunities that exist for sabotage, particularly about shipping or wharves'. The wording of this instruction, asking questions to which the answers were already known, suggests the Commissioner was beginning to build a case for legal action if necessary and was seeking to establish a paper trail which would stand up in the courts.
The response was, however, reassuring and reflected a very balanced approach by the police, without any hint of prejudice. The wording also suggests that the writer, Detective William Ritchie, had not been able to consult the earlier reports on the file.
Ephemera of the fascist movement in our community. A membership card and a photo of a local as a child illustrating the benign view some had of the fascist movement
Detective Ritchie reported that there were about 400 Italians in Wellington, the majority in Island Bay and a few at Makara and ‘Taitai’ [Taita?]. Detective Ritchie believed that about 75% of the Italian community had joined the fascist movement, but considered that 'most did so under pressure from the Consul. I am informed that the majority of them joined because they were afraid that, if they did not do so, some measures might be taken against their relatives in Italy or against their property in Italy. They were told, I believe, that if they ever visited Italy and were not a member of the fascist movement they would receive very bad treatment. It is considered however that only a very small percentage of the Italian community are sincerely interested in the movement. So far as I can ascertain, the sympathies of the Italians are with their country, but at the same time they are happy and content in New Zealand and do not want to be embroiled in any activities against New Zealand or the British Empire'.
He went on to name people considered to be ‘active fascists’ and also Italians who have ‘permits to work on ships and the wharf’. Only 10 names of ‘active fascists’ who would be ‘likely suspects for acts of sabotage’ were listed (and redacted by the SIS when the documents were released). Only one of these was considered likely to be anti-British. (At the time, New Zealanders were British subjects.)
‘There is a general feeling that the Italians as a whole would not commit any acts of sabotage in New Zealand and that a large majority of them would do all they could to prevent any acts of sabotage.’
At the time of this report, while New Zealand was at war with Germany, Italy was still officially neutral. The Italian Consul from1938 was Benedicto d’Acunzo, and was noted by the police as still holding meetings with local fascists in his office at 21 Aitken St. Ironically, the SIS is now based just over road from this address.
When war was declared on June 11 1940, the Evening Post reported a quiet reaction from the public, some of whom checked out the Consulate, which was guarded by a single constable 'though at one time some youths evidently had designs upon the Italian arms displayed in the entrance to the offices. All blinds but one were drawn, and with no more than a closet, door and blank windows to hold their interest, the knots of a dozen or so that gathered from time to time broke up, interested in the burning of evidently a considerable quantity of papers in an outbuilding, but not sufficiently so to stay on. Callers at the Consulate were questioned as to their business and the contents of any packages carried, but generally the constable had the street to himself. The entry of Italy into the war naturally caused a stir at Island Bay, where there is a large Italian community, consisting mainly of fishermen, but there were no untoward incidents, the Italians taking the news in a calm and undemonstrative manner'.
The Consul and his family were soon sent home, ending the frustration apparent in the police reports of his activities in the weeks before.
On the eve of war between the two countries, Detective Doyle reported on a meeting of the Garibaldi Club, basing his account on what he was told by ‘Italian friends of mine’ despite their reluctance to do so because ‘they might suffer some injury as a result’. In his report, Detective Doyle says that the language used by the Consul was ‘so anti-British that objection was taken by some of the old Italian members of the Club’. Mr D’Acunzo urged donations to a fund for the Italian Red Cross. Appended to the report is a lengthy note explaining that nothing can be done to stop the Consul gathering donations and sending them to Italy ‘probably for Italy to purchase or procure arms to destroy our fighting forces’.
Detective Doyle was not alone in his view of the donations. He reported that at the meeting ‘Mr A. Paino, chairman of directors of New Zealand Fisheries and a Justice of the Peace, attacked the Consul and told him that the day was not too far distant when he and his followers would have to pack up and get out of the country under the protection of the police. [Mr Paino said] that he would not need protection himself while he lived under the British flag, which signified justice for all. As a protest he there and then resigned [as a trustee of the club] as did other trustees and officials connected with the club’s activities … Mr Paino was supported by Harry Meru, former president of the club and a farmer named Feretti ... and others of old standing’.
Fascists, by Detective Doyle’s account, were elected to the vacant positions. He believed ‘the Consul’s followers are young men, some of whom have not been in New Zealand many years, and who have relatives in Italy and contemplate, themselves, returning there either permanently or as visitors’. But he was concerned that the actions of ‘the decent supporters of Britain’ in leaving the club would lead to him having no sources of information about club activities in the future. This interesting observation shows that the police had not recruited any informant in the club willing to hide their true allegiance and continue to observe and report. He did note, however, that he was 'endeavouring to obtain a complete list of names and addresses of members of the fascist organisation, but that will take some time, as my informant has to be most careful in regard to the interest he shows in their movements in case he could come under suspicion as a police informer which might result in personal injury to himself or his family and damage to his property'.
On the declaration of war, life became more difficult for the Italian communities at Island Bay and elsewhere. All were classified as ’enemy aliens’ unless they had been born here or naturalised before the last war. Some 38 Italian men, including some from Island Bay, were interned on Somes Island - a very small percentage of the 800 or more Italians in New Zealand. Interestingly, Paul Elenio, a member of the community, in his book Alla Fine del Mondo To the ends of the Earth estimated total fascist membership in mid 1940 at 75, with 50 in Wellington. The authorities were clearly not rounding up everyone against whom suspicion could be raised. But the round-ups themselves were abrupt following the declaration of war, with some given no more than 10 minutes to collect a few things and say goodbye to family. Italians were prohibited from travelling far from Wellington without permission, and from owning shortwave radios.
There was some animosity from non-Italian New Zealanders and Italian businesses suffered a loss of customers. On the other hand, some local Italians were in the New Zealand forces - including Frank Barnao, Joe Barnao, Vince Paino and Salve Paino.
The focus of police and defence concern was of course those Italians who remained at large but operated the large fishing fleet based in Island Bay, Eastbourne and Makara. Spying, signalling, smuggling and sabotage were all possibilities the authorities had to take seriously. On the other hand, they wanted the fishing to continue and the war created a labour shortage meaning the fishermen could not easily be replaced. These concerns were selected in the newly-released secret police files, but they show that, at the highest levels, the government was concerned to be reasonable, and avoid the pointless impositions of petty restrictions.
The fishing boats were all to be based at Island Bay to make monitoring easier, but a New Zealand part-owner of Italian-operated boats working from Makara, a Mr Bailey, objected. A move to Island Bay was impossible, he argued, because there was no housing there for the fishermen, the fishing locally (Island Bay) was poor, and they would be in competition with many other launches. He argued that the four Italians involved were loyal and had ‘no sympathy with Italy now she has entered into the conflict against Great Britain’.
Mr Bailey had not wasted his time with the lower ranks of the Marine and Police Departments. He went to the Prime Minister, Peter Fraser, who proceeded to dictate to the Commissioner of Police what must be one of the grumpiest prime ministerial memorandums in New Zealand history: '… if Mr Bailey’s statement is correct then this is one of the most stupid and inefficient incidents I have yet come across. A man has been sent from Marine to Police and back again without satisfaction or advice or help, only harassment. Surely something better than this is to be expected from both the Police Department and the Marine Department. Please make inquiries and set matters right so that fishermen can get definite official direction and help’.
Detective Doyle reported again on the activities of Island Bay Italians in September of 1940, declaring what amounts to victory based on fear in the battle for hearts and minds: 'Since the internment of the leading fascists in the Wellington district, enthusiasm in the fascist doctrines has disappeared, in fact the organisation has ceased to exist and the Italian population are so afraid of being deprived of their liberty that they do not even associate with each other.’
The Garibaldi Club, he said, had offered to shut down for the duration of the war but he had advised against this, ‘knowing it would mean that I would be deprived of my best sources of information’.
Twenty months were to pass before Detective Doyle again made a report which appears on the related file and by this time his suspicions and fears had become much, much greater.
It was May, 1942. Western and most of eastern Europe has already been conquered and occupied by the Axis and everywhere else - the Soviet Union, Africa, the Pacific - Germany and its allies were still making progress in their bid for world domination. Japanese gains made an invasion of New Zealand more possible than ever. Australia had come under attack, and island-hopping Japanese forces came closer every day. A Japanese reconnaissance plane flew over Wellington on 8 March, and on 12 March General Hideki Tojo warned both Australia and New Zealand that ‘resistance [was] futile’. A suspected Japanese submarine was sighted by a New Zealand navy ship just six miles south of Island Bay in June. Tank traps were in place at the northern end of Island Bay.
This was the context in which the newly-released papers show Detective Doyle to have written a report saying that he had kept in touch with reliable sources of information and the ‘Italian enemy aliens in the Island Bay District’ had changed since the Japanese offensive and ‘they are now more of a menace than ever before’.
Detective Doyle went on to say that he was talking in particular of those classified as people recommended for internment if an invasion occurred (class B), many of whom, he said, were in the fishing industry.
“In the early stages of the war these men expressed in no uncertain manner their loyalty to this country and many of them expressed their willingness to defend it in the event of an invasion.
“They are now of an entirely different frame of mind and express themselves as neutral, which I contend means that in the event of an invasion they would certainly not render any help to our cause, but on the other hand throw their lot in with the enemy.
“They are convinced that the Germans will defeat the Russians this summer, thus bringing about the defeat of the Allies.
“The regulations prohibit these aliens listening to shortwave but I am reliably informed that they visit the houses of British friends in that district and hear the Italian propaganda and then pass on the news to those not privileged to listen in.
“I am sure it can be taken for granted that practically all of the class B aliens at Island Bay are now pro-German, therefore the time has come when steps should be taken to curb their activities.
“If delayed, we may be confronted with difficulties in the event of an invasion that may not easily be overcome.
“I would suggest that files referring to class B Italians in Island Bay be referred to me for inquiries in regard to the position of each, so that consideration may be given by the Minister to the position of each’. Detective Doyle was correct, the Italians who assessed the likelihood of imminent Axis victory were wrong. In reality, 1942 was the turning point of the war, as Soviet forces held the Nazi attacks and Japan found its stretched supply lines could not support its Asian and Pacific conquests. The Italians were losing to a greater extent even than their allies.
Back home, concern about the Island Bay Italians reached a peak.
The Commissioner of Police instructed in July that all those classified as Class B would have to appear before the Aliens Authority (which makes decisions about whether they would be detained, or under what conditions they would go free).
The Authority was also to be informed by Detective Doyle of his latest concerns, based on information given him by A. C. Kaberry, ‘who supervises and knows well the Italian colony of fishermen at Island Bay’.
‘Every Italian and every Italian wife loves Italy! Of this Kaberry is certain. An old Italian with whom he was one day discussing nationalism … said he was well satisfied with life in this country … but “any man who is born on a rock must love that rock wherever he should wander”.’
Kaberry also claimed that the Island Bay Italians gave ‘every piece of jewellery and trinket that anyone possessed, including women’s wedding rings, to support the invasion of Ethiopia. ‘There was no coercion … the people offered their valuables to the land they loved’.
Detective Doyle mentioned a wide range of Kaberry’s observations to demonstrate continued love of Italy: pictures of home on the walls, boats with Italian names, and even rejection of the use of Union Jack bunting.
Kaberry was not impressed by the Italian’s almost universal Catholicism: ‘The fathers of their Church have a terrific influence, amounting to domination, over them … standing on the hillsides are three great buildings: the Home of Compassion, the Marist Mission House [the Catholic Church and Presbytery on the Parade] and the Convent [Erskine].
‘Kaberry says the fishermen labour long hours to supply these institutions with fish, much of which also reaches other Catholic institutions and individual clerics. I gather that this is not in strict accordance with the rules laid down by the Department of Fisheries, but Kaberry told me, with a twist of his eyebrows, that his boss in the Department is a man named Sweeny. Also, Mr G. W. Willey, Co-managing Director of New Zealand Fisheries Limited, is a rabid Catholic.’
Kaberry also reported on a notice on the church door thanking local Italians for a donation of 80 pounds and believed that as a result of this generosity the local priests would pressure the authorities in individual cases, undermining the war regulations.
He gave an example of a young Italian not allowed to fish under the regulations because he was considered a risk. Intervention by the ‘local priest’ led to him being allowed to fish.
Another ‘who Kaberry describes as a sly, untrustworthy man with no love for any of us’ was to be moved from Eastbourne to Island Bay ‘where his activities could come under proper supervision … [he] protested vehemently about being moved, but all to no avail. Suddenly, out of the blue, came a permit for [him] to return to Eastbourne. Kaberry … was enlightened by Detective Harding. The Church had pulled strings …
Kaberry also made the extraordinary claim that New Zealand families of POWs in Italy ‘glean news of their relations from the fishermen far more comprehensive than they can get from official sources. All this news, of course, comes through the Church’. This passage is marked with vigorous pencil lines and an unsigned comment underneath in the same pencil reads: Kaberry’s statements must not be wholly accepted. He is inclined to exaggerate. I am dealing with this matter through indirect channels.’
A further factor in government thinking was an analysis by the Department of Justice based on intercepting letters between Italians in New Zealand and their relatives in Italy during the three months preceding Italy’s entry to the war. The correspondence of 252 Italian families was used for this purpose.
This document, of all those released, shows the greatest prejudice and tends towards irrational generalisation.
New Zealand Italians are classified first into ‘individual settlers’ and ‘group settlers’. The individuals are in turn broken into three groups - older immigrants and their children who are out of touch with Italy, including many who are markedly anti-fascist, pro-fascist recent business immigrants and people from the Italian Tyrol who need ‘careful watching on account of their racist sympathies; others are German-speaking and are Nazis.’
The Island Bay Italians come under the ‘group settlers’ heading, which was divided into immigrants from five regions including the fishing village of Massalubrense, Sorrento and the Isle of Capri in the Naples district and the islands of Stromboli, Lipari and Messina. The file went on to divide these groups into ‘northern and ‘southern’. The Italians of Island Bay came under the ‘southern’ category.
“The classical distinction between the North and the South in Italy is that the northerners are better educated, are politically more enlightened, are more class-conscious, are better educated in trade unions and are of purer Caucasian race, whereas the southerners are ignorant, swallow fascist propaganda unquestionably, and have much negroid blood …
“Actually it is doubtful whether our peasants from Venetia are any better educated than the southerners from Stromboli or Naples. Still, fascist party elders in N.Z. were mostly North Italians, so their northern blood and their political consciousness counts for something. The southerners can probably be counted on to give blind obedience to fascism, but without northern elders, they will be innocuous.”
This document described Island Bay Italians as ‘fascists, but harmless without leadership, as they have not the political education of the northerners’.
This formed the background to the final escalation of State intervention with the Italian community. Thirteen men were moved from Island Bay on Detective Doyle’s nomination and put to work in market gardening, it appears around Ōpiki in the central North Island.
“Some of those interviewed have gone as far as to say they would assist the Japanese in the event of an invasion should pressure be brought to bear on them … the Italian community assemble nightly at Barnes Bros shop on The Esplanade and here the war situation is discussed, and if only one of them has a knowledge of the nature of the Italian Propaganda, it is quickly circulated to the others. This, combined with the threats made by some of the more ardent fascist internees on Somes Island that, in the event of an Italian resident assisting this country, in the event of an invasion, they would be shot, has undoubtedly influenced them.”
Elsewhere Detective Doyle proffered the view that ‘nearly all the Italians at Island Bay … have abandoned what little loyalty they originally displayed towards this country’.
But this was late in 1942. By mid-1943 Mussolini had been overthrown and Italy divided into a German Nazi-controlled north and an Allied-controlled south. On Somes Island, politics were changing, and the Aliens Appeal Authority by year’s end recommended the release of all internees on Somes Island, although like hundreds of thousands of others, they would have to work where directed. Two were consider too ill to be of any threat. The others confirmed their love of Italy, and many conceded that they had been confirmed fascists at one time. The fascists by conviction were described as disappointed and disillusioned while those to whom fascism had an emotional appeal ‘appear to be not only disillusioned, but dispirited and humbled … both classes are now without a political philosophy, indeed without any political convictions and without a leader’.
The war in Europe would continue for a further 18 months, but for the Italians of Island Bay it, and fascism in Island Bay, was largely over by the end of 1943.
Paul Elenio has long ago written objectively and fairly about the local fascist presence and the impact of the war on this tiny group of families at ‘the ends of the Earth’. Those facts are not new. What is new in the information outlined here is clear evidence of the attitudes and actions of the New Zealand authorities. The new willingness of the SIS to release such information helps our understanding of our society and our history. Their openness builds understanding of our past and a stronger New Zealand.
The police files the SIS released to Southern Bays reveal official concerns about Island Bay Italian attitudes which were based on sound evidence including enemy threats, advice from British intelligence, and local observations, including reports from members of the Island Bay Italian community who were without doubt loyal New Zealanders. They also reveal racist prejudice about Italian character, prejudice about the Catholic religion and a willingness to confuse hypothesis and speculation with rational conclusions. They also show the failure of the police to find consistent sources of confidential information in the community, even among those willing to help. The reason for this was that they were unable to assure their protection, and that of their families here and in Italy. Fascist terror extended to Island Bay, and it worked. There is also a complete absence of any report of efforts by the State to engage positively with the Italian community and build mutual understanding and trust. Instead, what I hope was a minority of non-Italian Island Bay residents were allowed to act with hostility and anger towards their neighbours.
That the Italian community was able to put this experience behind them is a tribute to them. The lessons for government action about modern threats to our security and freedom, and local ethnic groups who may be associated in some way with those threats is obvious: engagement is good. Working with positive community leaders is good. Irrational suspicion and needless survelience is bad. We should also ponder the irony, or perhaps the wonder, of what can be seen on a Sunday at 75 The Parade. It’s the former Catholic, now Serbian Orthodox, church where the Italian community once worshipped. Now worshipers of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church now come to practice their faith, 80 years after members of the church’s former congregation were praying for the Italian troops invading their country.
The war in Italy remained real for the Island Bay community until almost the end of hostilities
The Evening Post 26 April 1945 (left) D Rockell (New Lynn) and T M Graham (Island Bay), of NZ Infantry, smoke pipes while resting behind the line after the heavy fighting for Cassino, Italy.